2022年2月下刊
alcohol, coffee； Omicron BA.2；LNY or CNY；戰爭的隱喻；香港疫情危機； truckers and delivery； China's nationalistic cancel culture；radfem筆記；性別平等，階級；運動員性別；2021年性別事件觀察； Magpies help； Happiness helps work； 平權法案；曹雨；審查； West's diplomacy with Russia fail；豐縣；女性覺醒不可逆； LGBT Identification in U.S.；孤軍奮戰嘅作家……
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傳統soft sell環節hhh：少飲酒，多飲咖啡
The evidence is clear: any level of alcohol consumption can lead to loss of healthy life. Studies have shown that even small amounts of alcohol can increase a person’s risk of cardiovascular disease, including coronary disease, stroke, heart failure, hypertensive heart disease, cardiomyopathy, atrial fibrillation, and aneurysm. Studies that claim alcohol can offer protection against cardiovascular disease are largely based on purely observational research, which fails to account for other factors, such as pre-existing conditions and a history of alcoholism in those considered to be “abstinent”. To date, no reliable correlation has been found between moderate alcohol consumption and a lower risk of heart disease.
^^^well, "any level of"...噉真係唔可以當水嚟平日飲，儘量都係啱feel嘅時間同場合先飲
A new study has identified specific proteins that caffeine works on, which help the liver remove bad cholesterol from the bloodstream and protect against cardiovascular disease.
Of course, it’s not as simple as guzzling coffee to stave off heart disease. Mixing it with cream or sugar (or a donut on the side) may cancel out any positive health effects – and that’s especially true if your caffeine delivery method of choice is soft drinks or energy drinks. Too much caffeine can also be a bad thing, and scientists aren't yet settled on how much is too much. All up, if improving your heart health is the goal, there are probably far more direct methods you could take.
^^^笑死，所以純咖啡比較好；同埋唔可以指望攝入大量咖啡因嚟養生
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首先要講兩篇都未經過同行評審
如果研究屬實，噉。。真係幾令人絕望，究竟何時了。。
簡單啲嚟講就係BA.2變種只能靠T細胞免疫，B細胞免疫效果好差。而一直表現較好嘅mRNA疫苗基本以誘發B為主。so，對呢個變種比較有效嘅係之前表現相對較差（強調一次，只係相對）嘅腺病毒載體疫苗AZ..
而家睇嚟，其實腺病毒載體+mRNA係最好嘅組合，先引起T細胞免疫，再用mRNA衝高抗體量（純T細胞嘅抗體量會比較少，因為特異性強）。只係唔知幾時有得打……
端傳媒記者 李易安 發自台北 2022-02-06
本來應該發喺上刊嘅，但嗰日趕頭趕尾，就攋低咗呢篇
換言之，「Chinese New Year」確實是「Lunar New Year」的其中一種，但「Lunar New Year」能褪去國族色彩，將韓、越等地的農曆新年也涵括進來，解決歷史上「東亞／漢字文化圈」和今日國界並不重合的問題。
^^^用法嚟講，如果面向嘅只係中國華人慶祝嘅話，用邊個都得；但如果包括其他東亞國家嘅話，用Lunar New Year會好啲
只係而家會多咗政治因素喺入邊，就好無語，搞到好似用LNY就辱華噉，quite amazing，過個節啫，開開心心就係了，搞咁多嘢唔知做乜
COVID-19 and the metaphor of war Professor David Isaacs, Ms Anne Priesz
「这是一场与看不见的敌人所发生的战争，因此，为了弥补直接含义的不足，这样的借喻似乎也不可避免。语言学家们认为，使用战争的隐喻，类似于一种自我实现的预言，也就是说，其普遍性可能会使战争的负担变成现实，就像在思考疾病的问题时使用战斗语言一样，它将使我们忽略从中汲取的教训，以及这场疫情所暴露出来的深层结构性问题。」
「部分人士认为，在阐释应对新冠疫情的政策时使用“战争”的隐喻，可能会导致部分无法抵抗病毒的患者感到耻辱，并向他们发出含蓄的指责。此外，这还将影响我们的思维方式，使疫情造成的死亡变成毁灭性战争所产生的副作用，此外，“战争”一词还意味着侵略和权力的颠覆，无法表达在新冠疫情时期应当广泛传播的关怀理念。
实际上，修辞上的隐喻是不可避免的，人类将继续利用这些隐喻来想象世界，因为我们的大脑倾向于这样的工作方式，但是，人类的想象力值得新的思考与隐喻，而不必在意政治领导人们的喜好。」
^^^真覺得我哋應該換個詞
“Use of the war metaphor in medicine has been criticised as being ‘ironic, unfortunate, and unnecessary’. Ironic because a primary aim of medicine is to save lives, while the aim of war is to take lives. Unfortunate because military metaphors can inadvertently stigmatise patients, and can endorse the legitimacy of war and of social and political violence. Unnecessary because positive alternatives, such as talk of the journey or the cure, are available but under-used.”
紐約時報|香港面臨新疫情危機：無法與病毒共存，也無法「清零」|王月眉, 王霜舟|2022年2月17日
唔三唔四……well，最近日增一萬七，真unstoppable
而家嚟講真係已經太遲了，無法壓制感染速度，唔想再講更多嘢，香港政府，睇下你而家變成乜嘢？？？市民唔信任，交代唔清自己究竟要點做，北京同政治人士都唔信賴；可憐又可恨
Harold Meyerson
Perhaps one-fifth of port truckers actually are independent contractors; nearly everyone else is, like Alvarez, misclassified as independents. Over the past decade, dozens of lawsuits from misclassified drivers have resulted in judgments affirming that they’ve been misclassified and awarding them compensation from the companies that misclassified them. XPO recently paid a $30 million fine to a large number of its drivers. But neither XPO nor any of the other fined companies have stopped misclassification. It’s cheaper for them to pay a fine than to pay their drivers a living wage.
Not surprisingly, given the long waits and meager rewards, a lot of drivers have simply stopped showing up.
但，其實之前唔係噉，1980年嘅條例修訂搞到變成噉
The Motor Carrier Act of 1980 changed all that, scrapping the rules of the 1935 act so that startups, charging far less than the pre-1980 rates and paying their drivers far less as well, flooded the market. Facing that competition, established companies dropped their rates and pay scales, too. By 1998, drivers were making between 30 percent and 40 percent less than their pre-1980 predecessors had made. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, following the steep decline in wages in the decades after the 1980 deregulation, trucker income has flatlined for the past 20 years. The median income of long-haul truckers who are employees was roughly $53,000 in 2018; for contractors, it was $45,000—though drivers in both groups had to put in many more than 40 hours per week to reach these totals.
The combination of fewer drivers and more goods to be moved has slowed delivery times on the interstates no less than on the port-to-warehouse runs.
^^^呢個就係答案：點解越嚟越慢。but，要探索更深層次嘅原因
In the largest sense, the story of the progression from the 1935 act to the 1980 act is a story of the decentering of workers from liberalism’s concerns.
BY 1980, NOT ONLY had the 1930s specter of deflation all but vanished from American memory, but the very real specter of inflation stalked the land. The spike in prices came chiefly from the oil shock of Middle Eastern nations raising the cost of their universally needed commodity.
But the deeper causes of these deregulatory drives lay in the changes to the nation’s political economy. Popular revulsion at the Watergate scandal, paradoxically, pushed Democrats to the right.
The new breed of Democrats—personified by such figures as Gary Hart, Paul Tsongas, Jerry Brown, and President Carter himself—had no particular affinity for organized labor. Most of the Watergate babies represented districts with insubstantial union membership.
And if there was one union that the New Dems found especially repulsive, it was the Teamsters, widely known for its occasional violent tactics, its links to the Mafia, and, at the level of presidential politics, its support for Republicans.
Two other transformations boded ill for labor generally and the Teamsters in particular. First, the rise in inflation undercut the claims of government’s ability to manage the economy, and with it, the hold that Keynesian economics, with its de facto emphasis on boosting employment and worker interests, had on the economics profession. Regulation came to be seen as a driver of inflation. Second, with mainstream labor largely abandoning any efforts to organize the unorganized (disproportionately women, people of color, and the poor) and opposing many of the initiatives of feminists and civil rights activists, much of the left had come to view labor as a part of the corporate establishment.
^^^經濟通脹，民主黨轉右，工人運動同工會讓步於更新嘅反戰同女權運動，導致咗解除管制
Ultimately, what doomed trucking as a decent occupation was more than the self-marginalization of the Teamsters, the estrangement of Democrats and progressives from labor, the increasing clout of business and declining clout of unions, and even the supplanting of the post–New Deal social order by a crueler neoliberalism. It was that in 1980, after 35 years of the postwar broadly shared prosperity that the New Deal had created, few if any could imagine that American workers were on the verge of becoming downwardly mobile.
But even if the NLRB is able to transform the gig economy portion of the transportation industry into a more rewarding, stable, and efficient employer-employee model, and if (a big if) the courts uphold such transformations, that still would leave the greater part of the industry—the part that’s not misclassified but is merely underpaid, overworked, and in constant and total flux—unchanged. What the drivers, and the nation that needs the goods that the drivers bring them, deserve and require is a political economy and legal superstructure that takes the rights of workers seriously.
^^^yep, the most important thing, is to provide "a political economy and legal superstructure that takes the rights of workers seriously".
the China team
一直有保存呢篇文章，而最近嘅國際形勢下呢個現象更加地極端，所以終於，可以攞出嚟講講
It is unclear whether these campaigns were directed by authorities or entirely organic, spontaneous movements started by grassroots nationalism. What we do know is that social media platforms, from WeChat to Weibo and from Douban to Douyin and Kuaishou, doubled down on censorship while largely leaving the ultra-nationalistic users who instigated hatred and harassment alone.
Fang believes that the Chinese government tacitly approves of and even, to a certain extent, encourages private actors’ purging of individuals and groups whose views deviate from the Party line because that helps spread censorship for free. And the political environment has encouraged both platforms and individual ultra-nationalists to turn nationalism into a lucrative business: Viral nationalistic content consistently drives traffic.
^^^講到審查，就好似講「人人平等，但有些人比其他人更平等」，本嚟應該監管嘅極端言論反而變得更易出街……而最近，因為中國部分網民侮辱烏克蘭女性而令到中國外交部不得不一改之前嘅説辭，現在改為建議在烏克蘭嘅人唔好表明自己係中國人同唔好展示中國國旗。而且唔止留學生，喺烏克蘭仲有唔少嘅工作者，因為烏克蘭係一帶一路計劃嘅重要參與方……
“[These campaigns] have been inconsistent, which might be an indication that it's companies, or regional governments, or lower-level directives that are shutting down the civic spaces,” Zhong told Protocol, “which is still very concerning because it cuts off the formation of certain civic communities that have been forming online in China, especially now that in-person gatherings are not happening.”
While nationalistic content drives traffic for now, after witnessing a year of raging nationalistic campaigns, fearful social media users may retreat back to private chats, Fang said.
“I think going forward, fewer Chinese social media users will voice their opinions or express their political stances online,” Fang said, adding that the social media platforms that were once seen as public squares “are only going to be uglier and more nationalistic.”
失控同恐懼之下，就係公民社會嘅日益萎縮，就係退回到網絡食人嘅世界，最後就變成大家只敢同熟人傾偈交心，「簡中網絡已死……」is happening
死又未死得晒嘅，微博都會有嘢值得一睇
名詞解釋： "radfem" is short for Radical Feminist or Radical Feminism
侯奇江 2022-02-15
承接上邊嘅話題，睇睇實際案例嘅分析
「徐州豐縣八孩母親與冰雪公主谷愛凌之間的張力構成了性別政治在本時代最具代表性的分歧——性別平等的圖景正在淪為個別階級的文化專利。本文並不是要攻擊谷愛凌本人，我為這位職業運動員取得的成功鼓掌，但網絡輿論和媒體的造星運動與摻雜其中的新自由主義性別偶像話語，正在強化階級分層的性別剝削，消解那些為小花梅爭取基本生存尊嚴的努力。鼓吹谷愛凌的成功學敘事、強調她的生涯選擇和個人努力、塑造一個善於自我管理的榜樣，是最典型的新自由主義女性主義：它構造的是『變成精英才能享受性別平等』的政治想像。
然而，這則美好童話的背後，是中美和城鄉之間地域化空間幾何權力差異，是國別和民族的優績主義和社達敘事，是新自由主義女性主義內部的精英模式和階層斷裂。它把對系統性不公的抗爭和對父權制的顛覆篡改成了充滿時尚感和流行化的女性招牌，進而維繫、鞏固着中國當下包括性別、階級、城鄉等在內的矛盾重重又結構分明的權力機制。」
「一方面，女性正在聯合起來抵制男性的凝視和父權的文化；另一方面，女性主義者內部就谷愛凌現象中的性別和階層孰輕孰重的問題起了分歧。然而大陸的輿論審查又無法讓關於國籍、性別和階級的討論順利開展，於是，不知不覺間，簡中世界的女性主義彷彿無處不在，而同時又高度矛盾。而那些談論雙重國籍和特權優勢的文章，要麼是已經被封，要麼忙於證明自己不是充滿妒意的『破防的酸雞』，只能蜻蜓點水地重申結構性的階級、性別等交叉性問題。」
^^^如果冇一個開放自由嘅環境，所有嘅討論都好可能未能夠完全表達清楚意思，從而變得極度混亂且容易被攻擊
「強調階級如何運作於性別話語的建構，並不是製造內部分裂，更不是階級意識將精英女性和底層女性相互對立，而是要警惕精英階級所塑造的模範女性淪為一種麻痺性的幻覺，防止『同質規範性』扼殺其他女性離經叛道不想符合『性別模範』的可能性。」
「女性在經歷多重傷害，性別、階級、民族等身份相互關聯，只不過谷愛凌恰好是個女生而已。」
「實際上，各個階層的訴求在父權制的結構下也不是沒有商量的餘地。新自由主義給每一個階層的女性都提出了改良主義的方案：精英行使階級的特權、中產階級擁抱消費文化、底層回歸家庭、從事代孕等等。法國女性主義者安東瓦·富克（Antoinette Fouque）曾經評價資產階級秩序和父權制用一種局部的改良主義拉攏女性：『性別的差別不在於是否有陰莖，而在於是否是男性經濟的一部分』。父權制正在通過強勢的市場和商業思路，利用大眾女性主義樸素的公平意識，來編排一種『去政治化』的性別化話語，它往往假借女性主義的面貌出現，但它不一定是女性主義的。」
^^^喺父權制之下，永遠冇可能達到性別平等
「中國女性所萌生的力量如何尋求來自官民、公私的支持，甚至從跨國流動汲取資源，還需要各方的智慧。這是為什麼在慶祝谷愛凌的成功的同時，我們有必要意識到性別平等不是某個女性的自我完善，而是改造社會謀求公共利益——對女性共同體而言，姐妹情誼不僅僅意味着『一個人的進步是所有人的進步』，也意味着『落下一個人就是落下所有人』。」
Junru Li「体育被视作是维护传统性别意识形态的一个重要场所。性别意识形态在这里指的是关于男性和女性在社会中的适当角色、权力和责任的一种态度。社会性别的本质其实是被社会和文化所构建的。」
「比如说在前一段时间，中国男子足球队在征战卡塔尔世界杯的预选赛的时候，我们可以看到媒体的头版头条用的词都是国足。而女足在亚洲杯夺冠的头条上面则写的都是中国女足。有的时候我们会太过于习惯而不去反思那些看起来可能正常的现看起来可能对我们来说是正常的一个现象。」
^^^呢度可能作者少打咗個「不」字，只有喺對比嘅時候先更加容易睇得出唔正常之處
「正如 Tuchman 1978 年发现的那样，女性在媒体叙事当中常常会遭遇到就是一个象征性的湮灭。也就是说女性在大众媒体报道中经常被边缘化被嵌入传统的性别刻板印象当中，涉及到体育媒体的报道也不例外」
「在体育世界里面，性别二元论和异性恋本位结合得非常紧密。真正的女性被认为是富有女性气质的，是异性恋的，她们是适合从事竞技体育或者说是不适合从事男性气质的运动项目。当不符合这些传统女性性别气质的女性运动员出现的时候，她通常会被媒体质疑她的社会性别，质疑她的性倾向，甚至是质疑她的生理性别。」
^^^我頂，超級離譜，用盡最大嘅惡意
「最后我们可以总结一下媒体在报道男性和女性运动员之间的异同。体育媒体一边折射出社会现实，一边又在生产社会现实。但是性和性别在体育媒体中的表征并不能完全决定现实受众是有主观能动性的，他们能够对于媒体文本作出不同的解释。首先，男性气质和女性气质在体育当中是被视作自然且理所应当的，甚至连体育项目都被划分为了男性气质的、中性的和女性气质的。其次，媒体在报道男性运动员时，通常会侧重在他的技术、身体素质和规范的男性气质和性倾向上。而在报道女性运动员时，则会侧重在她的外貌，在她的女性的社会角色和个人生活上面。最后，对于不符合传统性别意识形态的运动员，不管他是男性运动员还是女性运动员，媒体往往会保持沉默或者选择嘲笑。
尽管在大众媒体上，女性运动员和 LGBT 运动员或隐形或落入性别刻板印象的窠臼，但是随着社交媒体的出现，他们可以利用社交媒体来进行自我的表征，更多地呈现在大众的视野之下，甚至还有可能去经由她们去重塑被视为规范的性别和性身份。」
「我记得特鲁索之前在接受媒体采访的时候，其实讲到了一个故事。她很小的时候就说：为什么男孩子能做我不能做。我觉得有一点特别不好的是，如果媒体去通过这种社会的建构，去夸大男女生理差距之后，会让一些女性运动员从小就会觉得——那我永远都做不了这个动作，这个动作就是专属于男性的。」
青青子「在涉家暴婚姻案件中，《反家暴法》的引用率和适用率实际上并不高。根据北京市东城区源众家庭与社区发展服务中心的调查数据显示，在320份涉家暴案件的判决中，以《反家暴法》为法律依据的仅为个位数，而从判决结果来看，法案也并没能给受害人带来更为有利的裁判结果。」
^^^and好多被拐女被地方法官以「家庭為重」嘅理由拒絕佢哋想離婚嘅請求。。「『传统』与共和国之后的司法立法执法一塌糊涂的合谋吧」，so true
「为什么各国政府倾尽全力，以各种方式提振生育率，却依然无法达到预期效果？究其根本，还是在于未能解决致使生育意愿降低的根本原因。在《新京报·书评周刊》发布的《东亚各国的人口危机：年轻世代为何不愿生育 | 全球观察》一文中，作者援引上海大学社会学院教授计迎春和中国社会科学院人口与劳动经济研究所研究员郑真真的观点指出：东亚社会的低生育率有一些共同的特征，最为显性的便是强大的家族主义和父权制延续了传统的性别分工。」
「名媛的污名化自有其历史源流，但“x媛”造句大法之所以好用，正是因为它无关任何事实，而是网络施暴者借“媛”行凶，试图定义与规范女性所应当怎样与不该怎样：“拼单名媛”将女性禁锢于耽溺消费的性别刻板印象之中，“病媛”则将女性病人等同于被摧折的残破身体、将女性主播矮化为不知羞耻的赚钱工具。」
「更进一步说，如果男性同样深受父权性别秩序的规训与痛苦，他们要如何选择？是将枪口调转过来指向女性，借以逃避偏离“正统”的恐惧，还是说，他们也能像女性“克服自我厌恶”那样，与害怕“变得不是男人”的恐惧相斗争。后者或许艰难，但选择前者必将带来后果，最终这种持续性的、存在主义式的男性焦虑只会反噬男性自身。」
^^^真係有人得利？我始終唔覺得會。
「从私人空间到公共空间，女性的人身安全为何屡遭无差别的威胁？涉事平台为何屡屡得以隐身？而不少人对此的告诫却是：女孩子们不要穿着暴露、不要深夜出门、不要做出带有性暗示意味的举动。
问题是，这些看似明智的建议不仅建立在虚假的经验假设之上，也暗示了减少暴力犯罪的道德责任应该由女性自己来承担。正如我们不断强调的，性别暴力是系统性的暴力问题，也是迫在眉睫的公共安全问题，它不该是女性个人所需要承担的风险代价，也不该成为女性的枷锁，它需要的是社会与企业真正担负起公共安全保障职责。」
^^^當然，呢度唔係話就唔使小心，小心啲都係要嘅，尤其真係唔安全，但呢啲事情嘅發生根本唔係受害者嘅錯
ABC Newsinteresting and moved，無私互助嘅社會，再試諗下自己生活嘅社會……sigh
唔知係咪我自己嘅刻板印象囉，好似混血肥仔噉講，要自己體驗過先知，可能只係現時嘅我未需要人幫手？（已經盡力揾理由了……
正义补丁
庖丁的好奇心我係覺得，確實唔可以再只攞種族嚟衡量多樣化，綜合考量家庭收入、背景、文化特點等等會合理好多
確實好離譜，冇校對都冇做。。
「第一層是要不要將大陸改成中國，第二層是印書之前根本不校對根本沒有職業操守，第二層面的事情沒有什麽好爭議的，編輯瀆職無可推卸；第一層面有兩種考慮，一是爲了閲讀體驗，將一些用詞轉換為台灣讀者比較熟悉的，比如説『警察』轉爲『員警』，這種我覺得可以由台灣編輯自行掌握，不需要特別知會作者。」
至於政治層面的考慮，他認為若因政治正確的原因調整用詞，比如「大陸」或「中國」或「黑人」與「非裔美國人」等用詞，「這種可能會影響表達的，就會牽涉到言論自由的問題。」
^^^anyway，至少會更正返，可以睇到原版完整內容
撒泼天团至於中國嘅情況，就係。。yep，就係噉。。
框框代表佢的心~為咗培養觀影者嘅聯想能力，審查人員落咗好大嘅工夫，辛苦晒
Anne Applebaum
Tragically, the Western leaders and diplomats who are right now trying to stave off a Russian invasion of Ukraine still think they live in a world where rules matter, where diplomatic protocol is useful, where polite speech is valued. All of them think that when they go to Russia, they are talking to people whose minds can be changed by argument or debate. They think the Russian elite cares about things like its “reputation.” It does not.
What we mean by “interests” and what they mean by “interests” are not the same. When they listen to our diplomats, they don’t hear anything that really threatens their position, their power, their personal fortunes.
^^^事實上，獨裁者只關心自己嘅位置，權勢同利益，但一直以嚟，都冇用正確嘅方式去對待佢哋
Now we are on the brink of what could be a catastrophic conflict. American, British, and European embassies in Ukraine are evacuating; citizens have been warned to leave. But this terrible moment represents not just a failure of diplomacy; it also reflects a failure of the Western imagination, a generation-long refusal, on the part of diplomats, politicians, journalists, and intellectuals, to understand what kind of state Russia was becoming and to prepare accordingly. We have refused to see the representatives of this state for what they are. We have refused to speak to them in a way that might have mattered. Now it might be too late.
^^^呢篇文章寫於未開戰之前，確實太遲了，一次次地發生，完全冇吸取教訓。呢個世界越嚟越難以畀人希望了
The outcome of this war will depend in large part on the will of the rest of the world to deter and roll back Putin’s blitzkrieg by primarily using economic sanctions and by arming the Ukrainians with antiaircraft and anti-tank weaponry to try to slow his advance. Putin may also be forced to consider the death toll of his own comrades.
^^^最新嘅消息係美國、歐盟終於達成共識，準備出大殺器Swift，將俄羅斯踢出全球結算系統。唔知到時係咪真係打算要「別無選擇，攞俄人民嘅存款」，超黐線，反死佢啦，發動非正義戰爭，跟住搶人民嘅錢
Indeed, if you ask me what is the most dangerous aspect of today’s world, I’d say it is the fact that Putin has more unchecked power than any other Russian leader since Stalin. And Xi has more unchecked power than any other Chinese leader since Mao. But in Stalin’s day, his excesses were largely confined to Russia and the borderlands he controlled. And in Mao’s day, China was so isolated, his excesses touched only the Chinese people.
Not anymore — today’s world is resting on two simultaneous extremes: Never have the leaders of two of the three most powerful nuclear nations — Putin and Xi — had more unchecked power and never have more people from one end of the world to the other been wired together with fewer and fewer buffers. So, what those two leaders decide to do with their unchecked power will touch virtually all of us directly or indirectly.
Putin’s invasion of Ukraine is our first real taste of how crazy and unstable this kind of wired world can get. It will not be our last.
^^^冇咗制衡同約束，癲佬就有機會做出更大嘅破壞，一旦失控會造成世界毀滅
水木丁豐縣嘅事情，應該已經告一段落了。好可惜，雖然唔意外，但……我哋努力過，雖然真係好難，但，嘗試過……
拐賣最終一定會變成歷史，但如果連歷史嘅問題都冇辦法回答，噉又點去回答當前嘅問題呢？而家嘅問題唔回答，我哋點期望下一代嘅人可以誠懇地面對？
晴妈「因为立法者观察到：很多贫困的乡村，想给老光棍娶媳妇生儿子，只能靠买，这个现象非常普遍，法不责众。而立法者出于对中国国情和习俗的理解，认为“光棍想要延续香火是人之常情”，因此以法律俯就了人情。
这是以民间未开化的封建思想，裹挟了立法规范。」
「文明开化的女性认为，自己首先是一个完整的人；要先满足被尊重的需求，再考虑家庭婚姻；自己有权利追求爱，有权利决定是否经营家庭婚姻；一个人可以为自我人生的目标而努力，而不是永远以自我来服务于他人的人生目标；要有满意的配偶，否则宁可不生。
这样的女性不会轻易成为母亲，而一旦成为母亲，就会拼尽全力捍卫自己的女儿，尊重自己的女儿，引导女儿成为文明且开化的女性。」
可以再耐心啲等等嘅，當覺醒嘅人數變得越來越多嘅時候，就有更大嘅力量去改變現時嘅結構，never would like to go back
Jeffrey M. Jones
隨着去污名化，社會觀念嘅改變，人對性少數更加包容之下，人會少咗好多限制，而可以更加理解自己，所以我覺得係好事，證明真係開放咗，更多嘅人可以做真實嘅自己
马尔克斯门多萨：你是否像别的作家一样，面对空白的稿纸会感到焦虑？
马尔克斯：是的。除了医学上所说的幽闭恐怖之外，最使我感到焦虑的就是这件事了。但是，我听了海明威的忠告之后，这种焦虑就一扫而光了；他说，只有对第二天要干什么心中有数时，才能休息。
「解决的办法是让讲故事的人自己出场（我生平第一次出场了），使他能在小说的时间结构上笔意纵横，奔放自如。这就是说，事隔三十年之后，我才领悟到我们小说家常常忽略的事情，即真实永远是文学的最佳模式。」
门多萨：海明威说过，对一个题材既不能仓促动笔，也不能搁置过久。一个故事装在脑袋里那么多年也不动笔写出来，你不着急吗？
马尔克斯：说实话，如果一个想法经不起多年的丢弃，我是决不会有兴趣的。而如果这种想法确实经得起考验，就像我写《百年孤独》想了十五年、写《家长的没落》想了十六年、写《一件事先张扬的凶杀案》想了三十年一样，那么到时候就会瓜熟蒂落，我就写出来了。
^^^有理由繼續拖延了，hhh，不過都確實，感覺未完全構思好，所以放一邊慢慢度(dok6）
「我认为，一般地说，各种条件舒适，能够写得更好。有一种浪漫主义的神话，说是作家要想进行创作，必须忍饥挨饿，必须经受磨难，这我根本不相信。吃得好，使用电动打字机，能够更好地进行写作。」
^^^感覺呢個都幾因人而異，有fri係越痛苦先越寫得出，有人係唔理乜情況都可以寫，我自己。。好似係越夜越有feel，不過都睇情況，有嘢想寫嘅時候先有feel
「实际上，我认为，在文学创作的征途上，作家永远是孤军奋战的。这跟海上遇难者在惊涛骇浪里挣扎一模一样。是啊，这是世界上最孤独的职业。谁也无法帮助一个人写他正在写的东西。」
「灵感这个词已经给浪漫主义作家搞得声名狼藉。我认为，灵感既不是一种才能，也不是一种天赋，而是作家坚忍不拔的精神和精湛的技巧为他们所努力要表达的主题做出的一种和解。当一个人想写点东西的时候，那么这个人和他要表达的主题之间就会产生一种互相制约的紧张关系，因为写作的人要设法探究主题，而主题则力图设置种种障碍。有时候，一切障碍会一扫而光，一切矛盾会迎刃而解，会发生过去梦想不到的许多事情。这时候，你才会感到，写作是人生最美好的事情。这就是我所认为的灵感。」
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